Friday, December 11, 2015

'Cowspiracy" or capitalism: what's causing the climate crisis?

Cowspiracy shines a light on the carbon emissions of the animal agriculture industry, but its beam is so narrow that it leaves the rest of agriculture and the economy hidden from view, and elevates dietary choice to political strategy.

Like many people, Kip Anderson watched Al Gore’s An Inconvenient Truth and was frustrated by the limited lifestyle choices to stop climate change—like bike riding more often or using less water. He then found out that animal agriculture is responsible for significant emissions and is backed by major powers but is not the focus of many environmental NGOs. He then made a choice.

He could have made a film connecting animal agriculture to the rest of the oil economy, exposing the massive corporations who dominate the food supply and who have warped our relationships with animals. He could have called for vegans and non-vegans to unite, supporting front-line communities who bear the brunt of climate change, and integrating vegan concerns into a movement for system change and real control over food production and distribution.

But instead he chose to make a film that counterposes animal agriculture to the rest of the oil-dependent economy, dismisses the challenge to tar sands and fracking and the need for climate jobs, blames cows and those who consume animal products, shames environmental NGOs instead of agribusinesses, ignores traditional knowledge about how to live sustainably with animals, and calls non-vegan environmentalists hypocrites—while preaching veganism as the panacea for everything from climate change to world hunger.

The result: protesters inspired by his film denounced the recent People’s Climate March in Edmonton: “The organizers only wanted to focus on oil and gas, the safe climate topics and not ‘switch focus’ to address personal behaviors that can actually make difference.” There would not be a People’s Climate March and a climate justice movement were it not for Indigenous communities who have challenged tar sands and fracking, while defending their rights including hunting, fishing and trapping. It’s ridiculous to dismiss as “safe topics” the challenge to these powerful industries, and to blame diets that communities have followed sustainably for millenia. How do we place industrialized animal agriculture in its proper context so that the concerns of vegans can integrate with the climate justice movement?

Cowspiracy or cowpitalism?
Cowspiracy raises the important point that the climate crisis is not only driven by oil and gas companies but is also connected to our food system. But instead of challenging the corporations who control food production and distribution, it places all the blame on “animal agriculture.” Using decontextualized statistics and graphics, it implies that cows are inherently destructive creatures who waste water while producing the methane that is driving the climate crisis—instead of exposing how capitalism has separated cows from communities, concentrated them in factories and turned them into methane machines.

Kip Anderson claims that “the words sustainable and animal agriculture just is an oxymoron. They can't go together.” But as India’s leading environmentalist (and vegetarian) Vandana Shiva explains, “Factory farming of livestock is definitely a very important contributor of greenhouse gases, especially methane. But normal livestock—grass fed—are important for a sustainable solution. The problem with many of these studies has been that they take the most industrial practice, for example factory farming for meat…and extrapolate it to the world. As if the whole world treats its livestock in the torturous way that factory farming does.”

As she explains in Stolen Harvest: The Hijacking of the Global Food Supply, “Ecologically, the cow has been central to Indian civilization…By using crop wastes and uncultivated land, indigenous cattle do not compete with humans for food; rather, they provide organic fertilizer for fields and thus enhance food productivity…Indian cattle provide more food than they consume, in contrast to those of the US cattle industry, in which cattle consume six times more food than they provide.”

Instead of challenging the corporatization of agriculture, Cowspiracy blames cows—reinforcing the industry’s view of animals as abstract production units disconnected from communities. As Vandana Shiva explains, “Livestock are absolutely key. The tragedy is on the one hand we’ve got those who would put animals into factory farms—and that is the source of methane emissions, not free-grazing livestock…And there’s the problem that those who think they love animals push for a situation where there will be no animals. So we need to avoid both these extremes that are anti-animal by denying an effective role for the animal, and an effective role of a farmer. And I think it comes from the paradigm that assumes that both humans and animals can only have a predatory relationship with nature. No, we can have a harmonious relationship with nature.”

Capitalism, sustainability and choice
Our harmonious relationship with nature was not disrupted by consuming animals (which communities have done sustainably for millenia) but by a relatively recent system of production that has separated us from nature and turned animal and plant worlds—and humans themselves—into sources of profit. Not only does Cowspiracy fail to differentiate between traditional and corporatized uses of animals, it also ignores carbon emissions from capitalist agriculture in general. Our food system is not unsustainable because it includes animals, it is unsustainable because of capitalism—which is based on colonizing Indigenous territories, driving peasants off the land, exploiting workers for profit and reducing animals and plants to units of production.

In doing so, capitalism in Europe by the 19th century created a metabolic rift between humans and nature and eroded soil fertility, sparking a search for artificial fertilizers. As Karl Marx described, “Capitalist production collects the population together in great centres…It disturbs the metabolic interaction between [humans] and the earth, i.e. it prevents the return to the soil of its constituent elements consumed by [humans] in the form of food and clothing; hence it hinders the operation of the eternal natural condition for the fertility of the soil… All progress in capitalist agriculture is a progress in the art, not only of robbing the worker, but of robbing the soil.”

As capitalism has developed it has become concentrated and centralized into massive corporations that dominate every industry—making our entire economy, including the plants and animals we eat, dependent on oil. As Vandana Shiva explains in Soil Not Oil, “Industrialized, globalized agriculture is a recipe for eating oil. Oil is used for the chemical fertilizers that go to pollute the soil and water. Oil is used to displace small farmers with giant tractors and combine harvesters. Oil is used to industrially process food. Oil is used for the plastic in packaging. And finally, more and more oil is used to transport food farther and farther away from where it is produced. Fossil fuels are the heart of industrial agriculture.”

Cowspiracy is right to highlight the massive subsidies and powerful interests that sustain the beef industry and create artificial supply and demand, but this applies to all industries—including the massive agribusinesses that have reduced our diets to corn, soy and wheat monocrops, sustained by massive emissions in fertilizers, machinery, storage and transportation. Calling for dietary “choice” between capitalist plant products over capitalist animal products does nothing to challenge the system that is driving climate change and constraining choices. Any limited choice some of us might have in consumption—a choice determined by the inequitable distribution of resources and income—does not challenge the system of production.

Consumerism vs climate justice
For decades the environmental movement has taken this system for granted. By depoliticizing the environment, NGOs have traditionally focused on reforming single issues by lobbying governments and calling for limited consumer choice over the products capitalism has produced—rather than challenging the profit-driven system of production and inequitable distribution. Even worse, some environmental groups have scapegoated Indigenous communities for continuing their cultural practices. As Francis Frank, co-chair of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council, said in response to protests against Indigenous whaling on the west coast in the late 1990s, “The protests that are being engineered are just another form of eco-colonialism…They are arguing for the continued oppression of our people.”

The climate justice movement has risen in recent years by going beyond the old politics of individual consumerism, towards mass movements based on anti-colonial and anti-capitalist politics. It’s exciting that environmental NGOs are joining with Indigenous and labour groups to fight for the system change necessary to stop climate change. Environmental NGOs still have structural limitations and don’t address all the issues, like the fact that the US military is the largest oil consumer on the planet (a fact ignored by Cowspiracy). But the response of anti-war groups hasn’t been to suggest a conspiracy between NGOs and the military, but rather to integrate their concerns with the climate justice movement—like the “No war, no warming” contingent at the 100% possible demonstration in Ottawa.

Instead Cowspiracy names and shames a dozen NGOs without naming any agribusinesses, dismisses demands for climate jobs and ignores Indigenous communities while claiming that those who eat meat are hypocrites. The filmmaker even presents himself as the persecuted climate hero, without interviewing or even mentioning Indigenous and front-line communities who bear the brunt of the climate crisis and of state repression.

The documentary also claims that a vegan diet will end world hunger, without addressing inequalities in food production and distribution. That seems to be the point, as Kip Anderson explained in an interview: “The solution is really simple…It doesn't even take necessarily widespread transformation with the legal system and our politics. It's basically just switching our diet.” This results in just another limited consumer choice, sold as “change.” This isn’t surprising, coming from a self-described “serial entrepreneur” pushing his DVDs and t-shirt, and a few celebrities who want to appeal to environmentalists, but it shouldn’t be a guide for the movement.

Solidarity and system change
As climate organizer (and vegan) Cam Fenton wrote, “we need system change to stop climate change, and our personal dietary choices are not system change. Changing lightbulbs and taking shorter showers wasn’t a really effective strategy for the climate and that’s what switching out steak for tofu seems to be to me. Not only won’t it do a whole lot to solve the climate crisis, it actually doesn’t even get at the heart of what you’re purporting to be pushing — reducing emissions from agriculture. If the goal is really to deal with the emissions from agriculture, and these emissions are a big problem, it’s time to stop telling people not to eat meat and start figuring out how you’re going to stand with peasant farmers who are being forced by the Monsantos of the world to abandon their traditional methods of agriculture for massive mono-crop operations. It’s time to support communities that are standing up to stop cattle barons who want to clear massive tracts of land — like the rainforest in South America—to expand their operations. These things, might help to tip the scales and bring down emissions from agriculture in a way that more vegans just won’t, and they might win you some allies along the way.”

These alliances are growing. A couple of years ago Heiltsuk community organizer Jess Housty wrote an article on eight ways settlers can support Idle No More, including attending rallies and challenging racism. These “personal behaviors” that can actually make a difference, rather than simply switching diets. Earlier this year the Heiltsuk Nation and its allies stopped the Department of Fisheries and Oceans from over-fishing herring stocks on the west coast. The strategy was not to claim that fishing is inherently unsustainable and to demand the community end their traditional fish diet, but to support the Heilstuk Nation that was defending the herring stock and its fishing rights. As Chief Marylin Slett explained, “We're not trying to stop people from making a living. But we need to manage things in a way so we'll have a resource that will sustain everyone into the future...There are strong-willed people in the community that will do everything within their power to protect the herring stocks.”

There is also growing vegan solidarity with Indigenous communities defending their territories: “On the fire at the blockade vegan meals for the Wildlife Defence League cook next to traditional foods for the Klabona Keepers. There is a mutual understanding and respect between the two groups as they work together to stop the over hunting of the Tahltan’s sacred lands...They recognize that it is not their right to tell indigenous people who have welcomed them onto their territory how to live. They realize that the Klabona Keepers have saved more wildlife in their resistance of industrial projects than any person could by changing their diet...Vegans can begin to decolonize our work and fight for the liberation of all, whether it be from the confines of a slaughterhouse or the confines of a colonial state.”


It’s examples like these, rather than Cowspiracy, that show how vegan concerns can be incorporated into the climate justice movement, so that we can challenge the corporations and states responsible for the climate crisis, and win collective system change rather than fight over individual diet change.

Monday, November 30, 2015

Photo essay: 25,000 march for climate justice in Ottawa


November 29 was a sglobal day of climate action, with hundreds of thousands of people taking part in thousands of actions across the world. In Ottawa 25,000 people from across Canada and Quebec came together on unceded Algonquin territory to say--and to spell in massive numbers--that climate solutions and climate justice is 100% possible.



Last month people voted for change at the ballot box, and they are continuing to vote with their feet. Trudeau was elected on the slogan of "real change," and the climate justice movement wants to make that rhetoric a reality. As people chanted, "real change not climate change."



This means stopping Canada's fastest growing source of carbon emissions, the tar sands. Following the climate welcome sit-in outside Trudeau's residence at the start of the month, yesterday's demonstration continued to remind the new Prime Minister of the need to freeze tar sands development.



While governments have given billions to the banks and corporations responsible for the economic crisis, and billions more to the oil and gas companies responsible for the climate crisis, there's a growing demand for the climate jobs that can address both crises. As one of the signs said, "If the climate were a bank, it would already be saved."


World leaders are meeting in Paris claiming to work on climate action, while at the same time launching wars that destroy the climate--and denying refugees fleeing wars and climate chaos. Carrying the banner "No war, no warming, the anti-war contingent chanted, "Stop the war on the atmosphere, refugees are welcome here," and "war and Islamophobia go hand in hand, they sabotage climate action plans."


Climate action is possible, and it means respecting Indigenous sovereignty and welcoming refugees, stopping wars and investing in climate jobs: a system change to stop climate change.  




From the 25,000 who marched in Quebec City in April, to the 10,000 who marched in Toronto in July and now the 25,000 who marched in Ottawa yesterday, we can see the growing alliance of Indigenous, environmental and labour groups who are making climate justice 100% possible.

Monday, October 5, 2015

Photo essay: Toronto Disability Pride March



Saturday October 3 was the fifth annual Toronto Disability Pride March. As the organizers explained, the march is to
* bring recognition of the struggles and value of people with disabilities as we fight against ableism and other forms of oppression
* be visible and show that we have a voice in our community and a right to be heard by taking to the streets
* celebrate and take pride in ourselves as a community of people with disabilities

The first speaker, Indigenous songwriter and activist Diem Lafortune, explained how traditional economies provided for people according to their needs. But colonialism has inflicted deep scars, impacting mental health.


Disability scholar Tracy Mack described how in the 19th century the Toronto asylum (now CAMH), incarcerated people with disabilities as a source of free labour—and there’s an upcoming historical tour of the wall: October 24, 1pm at Queen and Shaw. She also discussed the intersection of racism and disability, and denounced the disproportionate levels of police violence directed at racialized mad people. 


TDPM began in 2011 during Occupy Toronto. As co-founder Melissa Graham explained, “not only are people with disabilities part of the 99%, they are typically part of the lowest 1% of the 99%.” The austerity agenda is sharpening this oppression—through cuts to social assistance, social housing and transportation that disproportionately affect people with disabilities.

As Kevin Jackson, TDPM organizer and member of the Ethno-Racial People with Disabilities Coalition of Ontario explained, the march is not about charity, sympathy or a cure but respect for people with disabilities as human beings. TDPM is not a parade but an act of solidarity and resistance, exposing the priorities of the system. As the marchers chanted, "Build ramps, not bombs!"

It’s been a decade since the Accessibility for Ontarians with Disabilities Act became law and still it has not been adequately enforced. MPP Cheri DiNovo spoke about the lack action from Queen’s Park and the need for the disability movement to keep mobilizing.

David Lepovsky, Chair of the Accessibility for Ontarians with Disabilities Act Alliance, discussed the ongoing barriers for people with disabilities and the need to enforce the Accessibility for Ontarians with Disabilities Act. He called on people to use the federal election to push for a Canadians with Disabilities Act, and to use citizen journalism to expose everyday instances of lack of accessibility. After nine years in power the Conservatives failed to deliver on their promise of introducing a national disability act, and the Liberals have yet to match the NDP and Green Party commitment. For an election action kit visit barrierfreecanada.org



Saturday, September 19, 2015

The climate jobs leap


Coinciding with the Leap Manifesto, a global conference on climate jobs shows how the labour movement around the world can help fight climate change and inequality.

The Leap Manifesto includes a clear call for climate jobs: “A leap to a non-polluting economy creates countless openings for similar multiple ‘wins.’ We want a universal program to build energy efficient homes, and retrofit existing housing, ensuring that the lowest income communities and neighbourhoods will benefit first and receive job training and opportunities that reduce poverty over the long term. We want training and other resources for workers in carbon-intensive jobs, ensuring they are fully able to take part in the clean energy economy. This transition should involve the democratic participation of workers themselves. High-speed rail powered by just renewables and affordable public transit can unite every community in this country – in place of more cars, pipelines and exploding trains that endanger and divide us.”

Coinciding with the Leap Manifesto, trade union activists gathered in Paris for a global union climate conference—including speakers from Europe, Africa, Asia and North America. This gathering also produced a new report, Global Climate Jobs, and British climate activist Jonathan Neale summarizes the scale and urgency: “We have to stop climate change, and we have to do it quickly. To do it, we will need 120 million new jobs globally for at least twenty years…It is not realistic to wait for the market to ‘create’ those jobs. The scale of what needs doing is too big, and we need action quickly. Instead, we will need massive government programs in each country.” After reviewing the scale of global emission reductions required, and the political challenge of confronting extractivist industries and government austerity, the report gives a glimpse of climate jobs campaigns from around the world.

Global Climate Jobs
Writing from Canada, Tony Clarke describes the emergence of the Green Economy Network and their campaigns on renewable energy, green buildings and public transit. As he explains, “Today we urgently need ‘system change’ not ‘climate change.’ As a society, we can no longer afford an economic model that treats the natural environment and human beings as disposable goods. Instead we must start to collectively build a new economy, one based on much more sustainable modes of production and consumption while transforming the economic and social inequalities that plague and overburden society…These climate jobs provide more secure forms of employment that would ensure greater social equity for marginalized peoples such as the unemployed and working poor, including Indigenous peoples and people of colour.”

Activists in South Africa have collected 100,000 signatures for their One Million Climate Jobs Campaign to address both the climate crisis and the high levels of unemployment and inequality. As Sandra van Neikerk explains, “By placing the interests of workers and the poor at the forefront of strategies to combat climate change, we can simultaneously halt climate change and address our job bloodbath.”

In South Africa the climate jobs campaign is taking on the mining corporations, whereas in Norway the campaign is challenging the government’s greenwashing of oil and gas. Through a campaign of trade unions, environmental organizations and the Norwegian Church, there’s a growing movement demanding 50,000 jobs in offshore wind.

New York experienced the devastation of Hurricane Sandy, the inspiration of the People’s Climate March, and has the challenge of reducing energy demand from the million buildings that form the city’s iconic skyline. There have also been lessons from recent campaigns, as J Mijin Cha, Josh Kellerman and Lara Skinner explain: “The grassroots environmental movement forced NY State Governor Cuomo to ban fracking in 2014. The Governor was reluctant to ban fracking because many communities in upstate NY are economically depressed with high rates of unemployment and poverty, and the gas industry argued fracking would produce thousands of new jobs. Once Governor Cuomo banned fracking, it became more important politically for social movements in NY to present a viable, alternative jobs plan, one based on creating good union jobs, tackling the climate crisis, and strengthening NY communities.”

Writing from Britain, Tabitha Spence explains the growth of the Campaign Against Climate Change, and its trade union group, to make the most of Britain’s bad weather: “Britain has the advantage of famously bad weather, which means enormous wind resources, especially offshore in the North Sea. It would take about 400,000 jobs to set up onshore and offshore wind turbine systems, and wave and tidal power, all connected to a national and international grid.”

Change the politics, not the climate
She also explains the growing network supporting climate jobs, including political support: “We started with unions. While we continue gaining even broader support of unions and union members, today we are also working to gain the support of environmental groups, NGOs, and direct action groups. We have the support of the Green Party, and are building support in Labour, the largest opposition party.”

This goal recently received a boost from Labour’s new leader, Jeremy Corbyn, who supports the call for climate jobs—which makes it all the more frustrating that no major political party in Canada will do the same. Author and NDP candidate Linda McQuaig early on in the federal election campaign echoed the climate science that “a lot of the oil sands oil may have to stay in the ground if we’re going to meet our climate change targets.” Conservatives and media commentators attacked her for ignoring workers, when climate jobs provide far more and far better work than the oil and gas industry.

The refusal of the federal election to discuss climate job alternatives reflects governments around the world sleepwalking into the climate crisis. As the Global Climate Jobs report notes,  “Unlike the build-up to the Copenhagen Climate Summit in 2009, there is a much broader understanding across the world that world leaders will not deliver in Paris this year…But the early success of the campaigns reported on in this booklet, also demonstrates the popularity and power of the idea of climate jobs.”

It’s clear that climate justice can’t fit in the Parliamentary ballot box, and movements will need to challenge whoever is elected next month to respect Indigenous rights, reduce emissions and support climate job alternatives. But there’s still time to demand the parties reflect the climate justice movement, and support candidates who do.

Sign the Leap Manifesto and the Greenpeace petition: change the politics, not the climate