Harper’s
government is filled with anti-choice MPs, including his second in command
Jason Kenney, who has opposed a woman’s right to choose since his college days. But while
Harper’s majority inside Parliament is anti-choice, the majority outside
Parliament remains pro-choice and recently defeated Motion 408.
This is the legacy of a mass movement. As Carolyn Egan wrote,
the Ontario Coalition for Abortion Clinics
“stated that for all women
to have real choices in our society they require safe and effective birth
control services in their own languages and their own communities, decent jobs,
paid parental leave, childcare, the right to live freely and openly regardless
of their sexuality, employment equity, an end to forced or coerced
sterilization, and, of course, full access to free abortion. All were required
if women were to have reproductive freedom… In linking struggles, OCAC was able
to build a wide campaign through demonstrations, marches and rallies -- in
which thousands participated. Through our organizing, we were able to broaden
the participation of trade unionists, students, AIDS activists, people of
colour and immigrant women’s organizations in the campaign. We understood that,
without the active participation and the support of thousands, no change would
occur. The goal was to build a visible, mass movement that fought together for
women’s reproductive freedom. ”
Anti-choice by stealth
Because
of the legacy of the movement that struck down the abortion law in 1988, Harper
cannot directly recriminalize abortion, and instead resorts to anti-choice by
stealth. Shortly before International Women’s Day in 2008, the Conservatives’
anti-choice “fetal homicide” Bill C-484 passed second reading, with support from
the Liberals. But there was widespread opposition from women’s groups, unions
and the medical community. In the fall of that year there were protests across
the country, forcing Harper to withdraw the motion before the election.
Harper
took his anti-choice policies abroad in 2010, using the G8 meeting to impose a
maternal health plan that excluded abortion (and initially excluded
contraception as well). The world’s leading medical journal The
Lancet denounced the plan as “hypocritical and unjust”, and called for a
“maternal health plan based on sound scientific evidence and not prejudice.”
Instead, Harper went on to deny Planned Parenthood funding except in countries
where abortion is illegal. As
Angela Robertson said at the 25th anniversary
of the Morgentaler decision this year, “Harper has responded by stating that
the Conservative government will never endorse anti-abortion legislation while
he is in power. We ask: if these rights are worth preserving for women in this
country, are they not then equally worth supporting for other women around the
world.” There was widespread opposition to Harper’s plan, causing a frustrated
Conservative Senator Nancy Ruth to demand women’s groups “shut
the fuck up about abortion.” Instead, women led the mass
demonstration in Toronto, with a giant coat hanger and banner reading
“Maternal health includes abortion.”
Then came Bill C-510
against “coerced abortion” and then Motion 312 to change the definition of
“human being”, which was supposedly an issue of conscience. But as the NDP
Status of Women critic Niki Ashton said in Parliament, “This
is not an issue of conscience, it’s an issue of women’s rights, and women’s
rights are human rights and they are not up for debate.” While Motion 312 was
defeated, it received support from 10 Tory cabinet ministers including Jason
Kenney and the Minister for Status of Women Rona Ambrose. Ambrose said she voted
for Motion 312 as way to “raise concern about
discrimination by sex-selection abortion", helping fellow Conservative
Mark Warawa launch another anti-choice motion, Motion 408
Motion 408: lip service and
scapegoating
Motion
408 called on Parliament to “condemn discrimination against females occurring
through sex-selective pregnancy termination”. Warawa later added that he “would
be shocked at anybody who would oppose a motion that is condemning
discrimination against women and girls.” But as Joyce Arthur pointed out “Mark
Warawa is one of the most zealous anti-choice MPs in the Conservative
caucus…Further, Warawa has no record at all on protecting or advancing women’s
rights.” Dr. Prabhat Jha, a
world expert on sex-selection abortion, has debunked
the “evidence” for this occurring in Canada warned
against restricting ultrasounds and safe abortions where it does exist. According
to the Society of Obstetricians and Gynecologists of Canada, “providing
patients with results of diagnostic imaging procedures is part of the Canadian
standard of care, and fetal sex determination and disclosure should not be
exempt.”
Motion 408 paid lip
service to women’s rights while scapegoating immigrants for supposedly
importing sexism. As National Post columnist
Barbara Kay claimed during a recent
televised debate on Motion 408: “In our country, in Canada, girls
are very much as welcome as boys. There are certain communities where girls are
not as welcome as boys, and that is the problem. Do I think we can judge these
people? Absolutely. We are a nation that is built on certain democratic
principles, on the equality of people before the law, and certainly on the
equality of the sexes. So it is not only ok to judge people that take an
alternate view, but to judge them quite severely, and say, ‘look, you’re here
in this country, these are our values, if you are actually translating
alternate values, it’s the same as if they believed in slavery.”
Motion
408 provided a cover for the Harper government’s discrimination against women—from
canceling a national childcare
program on his first day in office, defunding women’s groups, ignoring the
women-led Idle No More movement for indigenous
sovereignty, cutting refugee
healthcare including for pregnant women, opposing LGBT rights, denying pay
equity, and more—while aiming to further restrict abortion rights. Recently,
three Tory MPs called for the RCMP to investigate late-term abortions as
homicides, showing that the ultimate goal of anti-choice motions is not simply
to “raise concern” but to recriminalize abortion.
As I co-wrote
last fall, “Motion 408 ignores all this systemic discrimination, erodes women's
reproductive choice, scapegoates the South Asian community, and then has the
audacity of accusing opponents of the motion of ‘discrimination.’ But the
incessant claims of ‘not wanting to open the abortion debate,’ while chipping
away at choice through deceptive motions demonstrates the Conservatives are not
confident to openly confront the pro-choice majority. Challenging Motion 408
provides the opportunity to clarify the reality of abortion in Canada, expose
the consequences of restricting choice, and defend and expand abortion rights
through the broader context of reproductive justice.”
Reproductive justice
While
the anti-choice is emboldened by the Harper majority inside Parliament, the
pro-choice majority outside Parliament is rising to resist. On October 20 there was a day of
action for reproductive justice across the country, and on January 28 there
were events to look back on the movement that won abortion rights and look
forward to continuing the movement. On March 9, thousands marched at International
Women’s Day in Toronto for indigenous sovereignty, abortion rights and an
end to violence against women. On March 26, UofT Med Students for Choice
organized a conference about the historical, political, legal and medical
aspects of abortion. On April 13, community and labour allies held a picket
in Mississauga outside the office of one of the Tory MPs calling for the
criminalization of late-term abortions.
Instead
of uniting Tories and dividing the opposition, Motion 408 split the Tories.
Rona Ambrose backtracked and refused to support the motion, explaining that
“the opposition has positioned it as an issue about abortion so it becomes a
very divisive issue.” Under Harper’s rule a parliamentary committee declared
the motion unvotable, causing a rift in the Tories before Warawa dropped the
motion.
The
attacks on abortion have not gone away, either federally or provincially—from
PEI which still has no abortion provider, New Brunswick which refuses to cover
clinic abortions, and Ontario where Tory leader Tim Hudak has signed a petition
calling for the defunding of abortion. But there’s rising resistance to defend
and expand abortion rights as part of a broader movement for reproductive
justice—building on the legacy of what Judy
Rebick has called “the deepest and most important victory the women's movement in Canada has
ever had… After eight years of organizing, demonstrating, direct action,
lobbying, fundraising and sometimes facing threats and violence, we had won.”
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